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Disagree
Professor Leonardo Bechetti
Professor of Economics, University of Rome Tor VergataWe know that wellbeing is related to basic issues (health, income, employment) but also to issues less explored by standard economics such as quality of relational life and generativity (in the sense of J.S.Mill, that is the capacity of doing something that has good effects on other people's life or in the sense of Erikson (give life, accompany, let leave). Hence all policies in support of these points may increase national wellbeing. In addition to it wellbeing depend on the relationship between realisations and expectations (Deci and Ryan) Hence management of expectations is also crucial to it. An explosion of expectations can reduce wellbeing even in presence of good objective conditions
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Disagree
Professor Martin Binder
Professor of Socio-Economics at Bundeswehr University MunichI think we are actually making quite a bit of progress in understanding what policies can increase national wellbeing, at least on average. What we now should focus on are heterogeneity in the determinants of wellbeing to better understand who will profit more and who will profit less from such policies.
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Disagree strongly
Professor Ruut Veenhoven
Professor of Sociology, Erasmus University RotterdamWe can now explain some 80% of the differences in average life-satisfaction across nations, and the data leave no doubt that people live happier in the most modern nations, that is, nations characterized by good governance, economic development, political democracy and rule of law. These macro-social conditions affect micro level life-satisfaction in various ways and a main causal path being that they allow their inhabitants more freedom, which results in a greater share of the population living a life that fits them. Trend analysis over the last 40 years shows that the ongoing process of societal modernization was accompanied by a rise in average happiness. Together with the rising life-expectancy this has resulted in an unprecedented rise in years lived happy.
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Disagree
Doctor Anna Alexandrova
Senior Lecturer in Philosophy of Science, University of Cambridge (UK)There are legitimate concerns about uncertainties in implementation of wellbeing policies but the existing evidence base is nonetheless in places respectable.
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Disagree strongly
Professor Stefano Bartolini
Professor of Economics, University of SiennaDecades of happiness research have provided precious knowledge about policies able to increase subjective well-being. We know that the quality of social and intimate relationships is critical to well-being and that some policies could enhance relationships. Urban policies. Cities always had relationships at the centre of their organisation. Crucial for creating relations was the common space, symbolized by the city square, where citizens of all ranks could meet. Cities were built for people; all streets were pedestrian. Then, the advent of automobiles transformed cities into places dangerous for humans. Cars have invaded common spaces, destroying the social fabric. We should create "relational" cities based on a reorganization of space and mobility. Private cars must be drastically restricted as a structural measure in order to encourage residents to use public transport. There must be a great number of squares, parks, quality pedestrian areas, sports centres, etc. These areas must criss-cross a city to form a pedestrian and cycling network. Advertising has a profoundly negative influence on people's well-being, outlook and relationships. This influence is greater in children than in adults (Schor, 2005). The amount of advertising we are exposed to should be reduced, especially that targeting children. A high tax on advertising and a ban on television ads targeting children should be seriously considered. Health care and schooling. Schooling is narrowly focused on cognitive capacities. It should be reshaped in order to provide emotional education, which it currently discourages. Health: studies show that happiness heavily affects health and longevity. Thus, healthcare systems are the end stations of distress. Unhappiness tends to turn into health problems, creating pressure on healthcare systems, whose costs grow increasingly unsustainable. We may spend too much on health care, when we could obtain better results through policies aimed at increasing well-being.
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Disagree strongly
Professor Jan-Emmanuel De Neve
Associate Professor of Economics and Strategy, University of OxfordDespite there being much work left to be done in order to operationalize the academic research on wellbeing into actionable policy recommendations, there are a wealth of results that already have direct policy implications. Notably, of course, the negative impact of unemployment for both individuals and communities (and how this compares, for example, with the impact of inflation). The What Works Centre for Wellbeing is in the process of translating the evidence into user-friendly policy-memos.
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Disagree strongly
Professor Chris Barrington-Leigh
Professor, McGill UniversityThere's some truth here, in that because wellbeing (life satisfaction) is always, in principle, affected by everything, it will always be extremely difficult to isolate effects of policies, especially when they are scaled up to the national level. Beyond that, though, it seems we know an enormous amount from the literature, not with 100% confidence, but with at least as much confidence as we know the traditionally-measured effects of other macroeconomic, social, and investment policies. These policies relate to everything from unemployment insurance and labour investment policies, to child support, income redistribuiton, central bank policies, tax systems, education, and medicine. Indeed, convincing evidence from the SWB literature seems to implicate almost any policy one can think of, including the process by which we carry out management within government itself.
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Agree strongly
Professor Wenceslao Unanue
Associate Professor, Business School, Universidad Adolfo IbáñezA growing body of research has already shown what kind of policies may increase national wellbeing. Some examples are: promoting intrinsic instead ox extrinsic values (in schools, at work); using new metrics (e.g. subjective well-being indicators) for resources allocation; promoting trust and altruism; mindfulness programs; etc.
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Disagree strongly
Professor Mariano Rojas
Professor of Economics, Universidad Popular Autónoma del Estado de PueblaI do believe we know important things about well-being and its drivers which are relevant for public policy and for development strategies. Among the many things we know: Economic growth has limited to nil impact on people's experience of being well while it has a high environmental cost that will impact future generations' well-being. Income in not the only driver of well-being and not necessarily the most important. Human relations are fundamental to people's well-being. Problems in the family may have a high impact on well-being. Leisure and how people use their free time are very important. Community-life matters. Work may by gratifying and job satisfaction depends on many factors beyond wages. There is heterogeneity across persons and along cultures in the importance some drivers have for people's well-being. I think these are very relevant findings from well-being research that completely change policy considerations.
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Disagree strongly
Professor Dan Haybron
Professor of Philosophy, Saint Louis UniversityIt is hard to know where to start! The World Happiness Report is a good example of some of what we know. Policies that reduce social capital by weakening communities, for instance, are highly corrosive. Policies that reduce major stressors, like universal healthcare and childcare, do a great deal of good. Economic growth can do a great deal of good, though perhaps not if it is too fast, but is less important than keeping unemployment low. Of course, there are many limitations to our knowledge, and we should avoid overconfidence. What works in one locale may not work in another. But we know enough that it would be irresponsible for governments to ignore information about the likely wellbeing impacts of their decisions.
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Disagree
Professor Peter Singer
Professor of Philosophy at PrincetonAnything that reduces human suffering will increase national wellbeing. So providing a decent social welfare safety net for the poorest members of society is important. That includes universal health coverage, education, housing and at least a minimal level of income. In addition, we know that fostering cooperation, generosity, and altruism increases national wellbeing.
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Disagree
Professor Nick Powdthavee
Professor of Behavioural Science, Warwick Business School, University of WarwickI have life satisfaction in mind here. I think "little" is a relative term; we know a lot more than ten years ago what policies increase national Wellbeing. For example, our latest work on wellbeing over the life-course highlights emotional wellbeing in childhood to be very important for adult life satisfaction compared to family economics conditions. We also know the causal effects of many things on wellbeing (e.g. Unemployment, income, retirement, etc.), which can be used to inform policies. I agree that there are a lot more that we don't know, but I wouldn't say we know very little about what improves people's wellbeing.
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Agree
Professor Arie Kapteyn
Professor of Economics, University of Southern Californiathis is by and large true, as the literature tends to generate fragmented and sometimes contradictory results. I do think it is pretty clear that health and economic security contribute to wellbeing and these are perfectly amenable for policy interventions
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Disagree strongly
Professor Richard Easterlin
Professor of Economics, University of Southern CaliforniaThere is now clear evidence that welfare state policies increase well-being, as indexed by evaluative measures of SWB.
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Agree
Professor Felicia Huppert
Emeritus Professor of Psychology, University of CambridgeAlthough there has been a long history of research on the factors associated with wellbeing, there has been very little research on the impact of policies specifically designed to enhance wellbeing.
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Agree
Professor Bruno Frey
Visiting Professor of Economics and Wellbeing, University of BaselHappiness research is incompletely connected with Political Economy.
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Disagree
Professor Heinz Welsch
Professor of Economics, University of OldenburgThere are several robust and uncontroversial findings concerning policies that increase (subjective) wellbeing. These include increasing economic stability and income security, reducing unemployment and inequality, improving work conditions and health care, reducing (air) pollution and reducing corruption. The effectiveness of such policies may depend on the initial situation. For instance, yearly working hours are low in Germany and high in the U.S. I do not think that a further reduction in Germany would create much happiness. Therefore, the issues of non-linearity/satiation points and of heterogeneity are very important. In addition, the effectiveness andfeasibility of many policies may depend on the political culture in the respective nations (e.g. attitude towards "paternalism"?).
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Disagree
Professor Alois Stutzer
Professor of Political Economics, University of BaselThere are many time-proven public policies that get broad support in the population because they contribute to favorable outcomes in society. The consequences of policies for the individual well-being of different groups at the margin (more or less of some publicly provided good, a looser or stricter regulation in some area, etc.), are the tricky part. Evidence based public policy is developing in a fruitful direction.
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Agree
Professor Shigehiro Oishi
Professor of Psychology at VirginiaMost policies are not thoroughly examined in terms of self-reported well-being before being implemented. Researchers do their best to find a natural experiment, but more systematic research with the help of policy makers is needed.
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Disagree
Professor Jan Delhey
Professor of Sociology, University of MagdeburgIf we conceive policies narrowly, then yes, unambiguous findings about the well-being effects of specific policies are rather scares. But more broadly, well-being research has converged about a number of over-arching policy goals which are conducive to human well-being, including: low corruption, wealth, low unemployment, (gender) equality, low inflation and so on.
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Disagree
Professor Homa Zarghamee
Assistant Professor of Economics, Barnard College, Columbia UniversityAn excellent summary along with policy implications can be found in Helliwell (2006). Helliwell, John F. 2006. "Well-Being, Social Capital and Public Policy: What's New?" The Economic Journal.
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Neither agree nor disagree
Professor John Helliwell
Professor Emeritus of Economics, University of British ColumbiaA lot is known about the social, institutional and economic supports for national well-being. Attention is appropriately turning to develop and test alternative ways of enabling people to live better lives in their neighbourhoods and nations. There are many experiments in train, and some welcome efforts to share the results. Well-being appears to be improved most, and most reliably, where a lot of attention is given to the 'how' as well as the 'what' of policy design and delivery. In particular, mechanisms and policies that build and sustain mutual trust through shared initiatives, fuelled by generosity and friendship, seem to work best.
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Agree
Professor Daniel Benjamin
Associate Professor of Economics, University of Southern CaliforniaWhile there is much research correlates of happiness or life satisfaction, very little of the research convincingly establishes causal evidence.
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Agree strongly
Professor Ori Heffetz
Associate Professor of Economics, Cornell University and Hebrew UniversityResearch has provided a wealth of interesting evidence regarding the correlates of some well-being measures. To name just two examples, we have lots of evidence on how some measures change with age (an exogenous variable), and we have evidence on the correlations between well-being measures and income (an endogenous variable). But we know preciously little about causality (in the case of endogenous variables), we know preciously little about the tradeoffs individuals are willing to make across different aspects/components of well-being and across different time periods (more well-being today versus more well-being in retirement), and we know preciously little about how existing correlations might change once policy changes (something similar to the Lucas Critique in macroeconomics). And I didn't even mention issues of how to aggregate individual well-being measures into a national measure. We need more researchers to join us in trying to figure out the answers to these important questions!